As our survey of global
rhetorical practices and methodologies comes to a close, I cannot help but to
think that this last week’s readings have served as the perfect synthesizing
focus for our written and oral discussions this semester. As I believe Travis
may have noted in class, the notions of nonessentialist identity and
translingualism seem to speak to the “goals” of Global Rhetorics. Too often,
our desire to understand other cultures and their rhetorics on our own terms
wins out over our countervailing intention to practice the form of rhetorical
restraint for which Laurie Gries advocates, a restraint that forces us to
silence our colonizing interpretations in order to “hear” the buried voices of
unfamiliar selves—not to be referred to as illiterate, unintelligible “others.”
Thus, we return to harmful binary constructions that pit East against West,
First-World nations against Third-world nations, literacy against orality,
English against every other language, and self against other.
Accordingly, every thought—spoken
or not—every “contribution” to our understanding of global rhetorical
practices, epistemologies, and methodologies, has involved cognitive
contestation. From our first day of class to this past one, my mind has been at
war. Saturated with a Western identity and ideology, how could I ever dismantle
my terministic screen, a screen that stimulates my hand to write “Foucault,”
“Barthes,” “Derrida,” “Bakhtin,” or “Burke” in the margins of the works we’ve
read? Is this not an example of the very interpretive colonization that we’ve
been working to circumvent? Are these voices not poised, ready to invade the
worlds symbolically constructed by others? Or, does the relegation of these
influential voices to the “margins” of the pages enact an apt metaphor for a
healthy method of gaining entrance to the discipline of Global Rhetorics? As a
scholar, as a writer, I am the product of what I have read. I should not erase
my history any more than I should the histories of the unfamiliar selves from
whom I wish to learn. However, the validation of my history, my voice in this
context, does not relinquish me of the responsibility I have to place myself in
uncomfortable situations, to embrace unfamiliarity, and to make associations
when appropriate while at the same time being unafraid to make healthy
dissociations, too.
Thus, in the construction of our
network of global rhetorical concerns, Ashley, Travis and I very quickly
recognized the need to mitigate our collective desire to privilege connections
over disconnections. As scholars of Global Rhetorics, we want to make
connections, between ourselves and our practices and the selves and practices
of rhetors from other spatio-temporal situations, and this desire is not
mal-intentioned, albeit it does not account for productive disconnections that
can be made. I believe it was this balancing act that made the construction of
our network so difficult at first. In our initial attempts, we had drawn
inflexible connections between bifurcated concepts, like “nation-state and
community” and “national identity and cultural identity.” These connections
inhibited us from creating the robust network that we know Global Rhetorics
demands. These binaries betrayed a hierarchy that did not allow us to consider
how other concepts and themes related to these ones. In order to complete the
assignment, then, we had to start over and determine some overarching concerns
that we recognized in each reading (implicitly or explicitly) and branch out
from there.
As globalization has become more
prevalent, we noticed that issues of identity and language seemed to be the
biggest concerns. Globalization often imposes an essentializing script—on
difference in both identity politics and language. The construction of
nonessentialist selves, though, occurs through conceptualization of the self
and identity politics as predicated upon complex matrices of relation, and it
was this conceptualization of the self that seemed to inform our complex
network of relations that we constructed for Global Rhetorics. Levinas asserts
that “the self is constructed not in opposition to the other, as in the
Hegelian master-slave dialectic, but rather is grounded in responsibility for
the other” (qtd. in Cooper 91). Constructing a network that follows from
Hegelian dialectics inhibits generative global study of rhetorics. For example,
in her essay “Muslim-American Scripts,” Saba Fatima substantiates
responsibility to others as essential for the formation of nonessential
identities in her excoriation of the “subconscious desire” for Muslim-Americans
“to disconnect [them]selves from complicity in the consequences of sanctions
imposed by the United States against ‘our own,’” claiming that “[b]y not being
politically active, [Muslim-Americans] distance [them]selves from policy
decisions that affect Muslims around the world, thus keeping in abeyance any
feelings of responsibility” (Fatima 345). By “shirking” their responsibility to
contest unhealthy generalizations of Muslims across the world, Muslim-Americans
allow xenophobic, myopic voices to determine their identities for them. Historically,
these conceptions of relation and responsibility have been oppressed and even
repressed by identity politics that always position one entity—in this case,
political and news media in the United States—over another, never next to
another.
In our network, then, we wanted
to show a complex relation of “selves,” the concepts and themes, operating next
to one another, in a form of responsibility to one another. However, as we
started drafting, we noticed that we needed to become more cognizant of the ontology
of the connections we sought to make. For the most part, globalization has
enticed scholars to define connection through a Burkean negativism: connection
is connection because it shall not be disconnection. We make connections
because we see disconnections, but this can be problematic for a multitude of
reasons, two of which being that this reason for connection often erases
difference and prioritizes dominant discursive scripts. A more significant
reason is that it limits our understanding of connection. For one, we do not
understand what connection actually means apart from disconnection, but we also
impose upon connection a flat definition. Are all connections the same? Are
there not multiple types of connections?
When constructing our network,
then, we were forced to consider how we would connect each node. At first, we
used arrows which linked one node to another, but some of our nodes seemed to
resist this form of one-sided connection. We then tried connections between
nodes with arrows going both ways, but it became difficult to determine how
much give-and-take actually took place between the nodes. We also tried
constructing lines which denoted connections across nodes, but it seemed as if
certain nodes became less important in these connections, acting only as
waypoints between “more significant” nodes. In a sense, our terms enacted a
form of resistance to connection, to identification, that we had not
anticipated in the slightest. However, this was a healthy resistance as Cooper
notes that identity politics should not be “seen as a process of control,” but
“as resisting control” (93). Thus, our mapping allowed us to see that
connections cannot often be subjected to control. By noticing how certain nodes
resisted connection to, between, or across other nodes, we could be more
mindful about the connections we made—and the disconnections we made, too. For
instance, in placing nodes next to one another, the impulse was always to make a
connection between them, but we also began to consider what could be said in
“making” a disconnection between two related nodes.
For example, Lisa Arnold’s
explanation of the SPC faculty members’ decision to provide “students with
consistent instruction in English” as a means of granting students “direct
‘access…to nearly all that is valuable both old and new’” (284) highlights the
connections and disconnections we forged between our two overarching concepts.
While language grants access to certain communicators, it may not always foster
Cooper’s idealized identity politics that stem from relation-building and
responsibility to and for others. Thus, our “language” node could connect
across “access” and “community,” but it could not connect to or across
“relational” or “responsive.” Language certainly plays a role in identity
construction, but English is often characterized as a language which functions
on a dominant discursive script of erasure and essentialism. As Arnold argues,
instruction of and in English can, though, lead to a different form of
community identity formation that is not always plagued by homogenizing
monlingualism, for, “[w]hile languages inevitably carry with them the traces of
their originating cultures, they are at the same time flexible enough to
accommodate new ideas, values, and beliefs” (286).
As globalization continues to
occur, we cannot let our desire to make connections inhibit healthy
disconnections. While the introduction of the English language to foreign
cultures expands networks of communication, it does not and cannot erase
distance, space. As we continue to explore the rhetoric of nations, cultures,
and peoples across the globe, we must keep in mind Arnold’s assertion that English
functions differently as it enters and exits various cultural, communal, and
national spaces. No two Englishes are perfectly translatable. Understanding
this will help us to move toward a knowledge and practice of rhetoric that does
not lead to essentialist identity politics and erasure of literacy practices.
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